Posted by: Matt Nolan on: August 7, 2008
This follows from Part One.
Well, the unemployment rate rose to 3.9% – this was above market expectations, so the immediate feeling would be that the labour market is in trouble.
However, then you see the increase in employment and HOURS WORKED (the indicator I wanted to keep an eye on) and you realise “this employment data isn’t hot – but it is a definite improvement on what last quarter implied”.
So what am I talking about, and why am I talking in the third second person? (ht CPW) Well lets start with the first question, and lets look at the hours worked numbers.
Note: Other blogs on the numbers (Rates Blog) (The Hive) (The Standard) (Kiwiblog)
The hours worked story
During the March quarter hours worked fell 1.7% in the household labour force survey, but they didn’t in the quarterly employment survey. People tend to trust the HLFS more and so they got scared. Of course, it turns out that the HLFS has decided to be jumpy as hell, with hours worked rising 2.4% over the June quarter – more than reversing the March fall.
As a result, hours worked has not tumbled as we would expect at the beginning of a recession – now this in no way implies that we aren’t having a recession. What it does imply though, is that the chronic shortage of labour that we have had in the past has helped prevent much loosening in the labour market in the face of a recession – a fact that must stress the hell out of the RBNZ, which is why the dollar lept when the numbers came out.
My interpretation is that today’s number, by itself, overstates the strength of the labour market. However, the March number, by itself, understated it. I think that the labour market has stalled. It makes sense that firms will want to hold labour – given the difficulties they have had getting them in the first place.
Furthermore, the fact that hours worked haven’t fallen substantially on a year earlier is very interesting – and seems to imply that demand for labour by firms still exists, a piece of information that is just not consistent with firms that anticipate a prolonged slowdown!
One extra tidbit – employment and hours worked rose during a period of massive structural layoffs. Silver Fern was closing down plants as it restructured and Fisher and Paykel decided to produce overseas. With all these anecdotes of a collapsing labour market we didn’t get one – what gives? If anything this suggests to me that the labour market may be even STRONGER than current numbers suggest – interesting.
Third Second person?
Now why was I talking in the third second person? Well there are two reasons:
Firstly, I suspect that these numbers will force the RBNZ to ask itself some tough questions – as they used the weak March numbers to justify cuts, and if anything today’s result implies that the March numbers were spurious. By going into the third person I can try to imagine what they must be thinking.
Secondly, I’ve had too much coffee, and didn’t get much sleep last night after seeing the Phoneix lose the pre-season cup final – damn the boys deserved a win!
Conclusion
When this result is taken in conjunction with the QES numbers, the RBNZ must be starting to feel nervous about inflation!
I’d expected continued drops in female labour force participation with WFF; I was wrong. If you look at Table 10 on the spreadsheet, you get work status (both working, mixed, neither working) for couples by whether they have children and how many children they have. Now, a proper study would segregate things by income and WFF eligibility, but I’d at least expect in the aggregate numbers that we’d see overall rises in the proportion of mixed-income couples with children relative to two-income couples with children. If you take those ratios, there’s not really much action over time. There’s an increase in the fraction of families with 3 or more kids who fall into mixed work rather than both working, but I’m not sure we can distinguish it from noise. I’d still love to see a proper analysis that would have Table 10 data tabulated by income cohort but it looks less likely that WFF has had big effects of female labour force participation.
Oh, I’m not saying it’s a settled issue at all. And especially not without the disaggregated data. But, I’ve revised downwards somewhat my expectation that it’s mattered a lot.
Regardless of strong income growth, the return to working for secondary workers remains more attenuated the more children you have (with effective marginal tax rates hitting 80% or so for some cohorts). If WFF mattered a lot and we had a strong income growth period, we’d then expect a decreasing fraction of couples without children to have only one earner and an increasing fraction of couples with many children to have only one earner. If you take the ratios, there’s no movement really at all in the ratio of 1-worker:2-worker childless couples and, among those with kids, there’s not really any movement in that ratio except among those with 3+ kids.
Well, it’s true that a negative labour force supply shock will mean that the reservation wage of the marginal worker will be higher, but I can’t see how that pushes up wages for the cohort with the particularly higher reservation wage rather than pushing up wages overall and increasing the proportion of those with the higher reservation wage that are out of the workforce. Maybe you could specify a model where some jobs really can only be filled by workers who have experience with parenting, but that just seems hokey.
We would expect the most action among those with 3+ kids, and that’s where there are hints as to action in the data, albeit noisy.
Would be interested in seeing a longer time period than the one in the hlfsjun08 dataset that Stats put out…that one truncates at June 06. It doesn’t look to me like there’s much action in the current time period, but maybe it’s there if we compare it to a longer time period.
Even if it’s observable (and I’d think it is), it can’t lead to more than transitional frictional gains for eligible folks: long run, they’re replaced by folks with the lower reservation wages.
Conclusion:
Employers screw ever more hours out of workers lives because labour is so cheap.
http://rogernome.blogspot.com/2007/10/another-reason-new-zealand-needs-its.html
It’s more something that I’m keeping an ongoing eye on — if it starts to look like it could be interesting enough, I’ll see about getting a CURF that would let me look for effects on different income/family size cohorts.
How come we spend so much on (eg) Telecom mobile, Vodaphone (her), broadband (Telstraclear) line phone…. ???
Matt – some choices are “clayton’s choices” – i.e. you don’t really have much of a choice when it’s “work extra hours or lose your job”. This is one of the many reasons why neoclassical labour market theory isn’t applicable to reality.
“Would you prefer it if the work and the additional pay that comes with it wasn’t available for people?”
No. I would prefer overtime to be available at time an a half, like it is in most OECD countries.
“How many jobs are actually like that? Even if they are – there is a choice to leave the job.”
I was actually being a bit lazy with that one. It’s as much about getting off-side with your employer as it is with possibly losing your job.
When I worked for a furniture moving firm, i was working 45-50 hours between monday and friday, and then the boss would often demand that I work saturday, and sometimes sunday. This went for many of the other workers as well. If I refused to work the 50-60 hours per week that he wanted me to work he would harass me for the rest of the week – which was extremely uncomfortable, so I just gave in and worked the extra hours. I can’t imagine how this would work if I had children, etc…
I had friends in the workplace and was well established there so didn’t really want to re-establish somewhere else etc… You see, this is where the theory just doesn’t concord with reality – humans are social beings, and don’t always fit within the assumptions of algorithms.
“if we believe there is a negative externality associated with “too much work”
Clearly there is. There is a social cost, especially when you have a family that you want to be with in the weekends. But this is where right-wing economists usually fail – social costs are less important than “economic efficiency” or “growth”, because they don’t fit nicely into your little equations. They are hard to quantify and therefore frustrate you, so you discard them as unimportant.
“Employers screw ever more hours out of workers lives because labour is so cheap.”
If employers were taxed for the externalities involved of over-working their employees, employees would have to work less hours for the same amount of money. Are you really suggesting that most employees wouldn’t prefer that situation? If not, then clearly employers who demand employees work longer hours are certainly making employees work longer hours than they would prefer.
“No, they would be paid less. The cost of an employee would increase, but the share going to the employee would fall.”
But Matt – from 1991 (when controls on no-standard work began to be dismantled) to 1996 (when they were all but gone), the median hourly wage rate fell, as did the median weekly income. In those five years GDP per capit grew by nearly 20 percent, and negative wage gains. Business profits grew exponentially though
Here’s a bit of reality, my theoretically focussed friend:
As to levels of remuneration, the most significant impact that the ECA had on those working in the secondary labour market was the incremental reduction in the existence of penal rates. Awards typically contained clock hour clauses, which provided that workers engaged to perform work outside normal hours of work, typically Monday to Friday, 8a.m. to 6p.m., were to receive additional payments or “penal rates” (Harbridge and Walsh, 2002: 431). Under the bargaining arrangements of the ECA there was a 40 percent reduction in hours paid as overtime for all employees from 1991 to 1993 (Hector, Hemming, and Hubble, 1993 cited in Danin 1997: 240). This reduction was more pronounced in the secondary labour market. For example, in the restaurants and hotels sector premium or penal rates were reported to have all but disappeared by 1995 (Hammond and Harbridge, 1995:370). Furthermore, in McLaughlin and Rasmussen’s (1998) survey of the retail sector it was found that 80 percent of those working weekends reported receiving no weekend rates and 75 percent of respondents received no overtime pay. Even where penal rates remain there has been a trend towards their trimming down (Harbridge et al., 2000 cited in Harbridge and Walsh, 2002: 431).
This attack on penal rates in the secondary labour market from the mid 1980s through to the late 1990s had a massive impact on the pay packets of those in the secondary labour market. Remarks from an interviewee of “The Second Sweating Commission” are indicative of this impact …. I cannot stress enough how important these penal rates are to our profession. They are the difference between paying the bills this week and saving up and paying them next week or the next (Bunkle 1990:10).
So what the hell are you basing your claim on?
“When talking about taxing an “externality” Roger said”
Please don’t address me in the third person. We’re having a conversation here.
“Now if hours are lower, and the hourly rate is the same”
But if penal rates are applied, the hourly rate is higher. Sharpen up man.
“Your evidence does not defend what you said at all.”
Oh but it does. The reduction in penal rates was one of the key reasons that real wages fell under the ECA. Why is this so hard for you to understand?
“Do you realise that I spend all day, about 6 days a week, going through economic numbers”
Why do you persist with ideas that have so little basis in reality then?
August 7, 2008 at 1:30 pm
“you see the increase in employment and HOURS WORKED (the indicator I wanted to keep an eye on) and you realise “this employment data isn’t hot – but it is a definite improvement on what last quarter implied”.”
That’s the second person actually.